الاثنين، 26 نوفمبر 2012

Letter from Europe: Values Slide From Top of Merkel's List

BERLIN — When Angela Merkel became chancellor in November 2005, she decided to focus on foreign policy. That was unusual. Most German leaders tend to concentrate on domestic issues during their first term in office.

Ms. Merkel moved quickly to rebalance German foreign policy by rebuilding Germany’s relations with Washington and Warsaw. Her predecessor, the Social Democrat Gerhard Schröder, had concentrated on forging very close economic and business ties with Russia and China, at the expense of the trans-Atlantic relationship. Mr. Schröder’s vocal opposition to the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq led to a chill between Washington and Berlin. His particularly close friendship with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia damaged German relations with Eastern Europe.

But Ms. Merkel did something else during her first term: She put values at the top of her agenda.

Whether she was in Russia, China or the United States, she spoke openly about defending human rights and press freedom and against torture and the U.S. detention center at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. She won praise from civil liberties organizations.

Seven years later, as Ms. Merkel plans her re-election bid, due in 10 months’ time, analysts say she is putting interests before values. “Except for her harsh criticism of Putin, Merkel is much milder about speaking out about human rights,” said Hugh Williamson, director for Europe and Central Asia at Human Rights Watch. “She is distracted by the euro crisis and its impact on the German economy. But does that mean she has to be mute over human rights?”

The euro crisis has affected German foreign policy in two ways.

First, Berlin is no longer making any effort to discuss the future of European security and defense policy. “It is not on the agenda. But whose agenda is it on?” said Henrik Heidenkamp, a defense expert at the Royal United Services Institute, a research group in London.

Astonishingly, said Graham Muir, head of policy and planning at the European Defense Agency, E.U. leaders have not discussed security and defense for seven years. “The last time was at Hampton Court during the U.K. presidency in 2005. Ever since, there has not been a substantive discussion at summit level,” he added. The agency’s role is to encourage member states to cooperate on defense planning and share their military capabilities instead of duplicating them.

But E.U. leaders’ preoccupations with the global financial crisis and then the euro crisis are not the only reasons for their reluctance to discuss security and defense.

Any serious debate about the issue would mean having to agree about values and interests, and how to implement them, analysts say.

The first time the European Union attempted to set out a security strategy was in 2003. Despite some attempts to write a new one in 2007, Europe is still left without a security doctrine of any value. This is despite the extraordinary changes sweeping across the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and despite the Union being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize this year.

The second way in which the euro crisis has affected Ms. Merkel’s foreign policy is her determination to protect German jobs. That means ensuring that German industry has access, for example, to rare earth metals that are essential components for the renewable energy sector and for electric cars.

China produces nearly 95 percent of the world’s rare earth metals. Kazakhstan and Mongolia have sizeable deposits, too. Over the past few years, Ms. Merkel has made big efforts to protect the German economy and its booming export sector by visiting or hosting the leaders of undemocratic and authoritarian countries.

Which Western leader wouldn’t do the same, given the same kind of industrial base?

Ms. Merkel has raised human rights issues with all these countries, but her interventions lack the fervor of her first term. “The economic and fiscal pressures are pushing aside values,” Mr. Heidenkamp said. “They have not vanished as such. Realpolitik has come into play.”

What this means is that until the next German elections, Ms. Merkel will tread a cautious foreign policy path, careful to protect jobs and exports.

“We can only hope that if she is re-elected, she will place values once again on top of her agenda,” said Mr. Williamson of Human Rights Watch. “It matters for Germany’s reputation, especially given its global economic presence.”

It also matters for the European Union. It can do little without German support.

Judy Dempsey is editor in chief of Strategic Europe, a project of Carnegie Europe. (www.carnegieeurope.eu )

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